Youth Representation at the Local Governments: Challenges and Experiences

Within the scope of this report, which analyzes the experiences and obstacles faced by young people in Turkish politics, in-depth interviews were conducted with 20 young individuals (7 CHP, 4 AKP, 2 İYİ Party, 2 Felicity Party, 2 YRP, 1 Future Party, 1 DEVA Party). The young people who were candidates or prospective candidates in the 2024 local elections are politically organized. Understanding the motivations of politically organized youth is significant due to their belief in institutional politics, which distinguishes them from their peers.

In the report, youth reactionism is evaluated as an important factor in entering politics. Young people want to eliminate the deficiencies they observe in the system and leadership approach with the aim of creating change. Young people who know how to organize are more motivated to enter politics. They may have inherited this skill from politically organized families or learned it from civil society. The candidacy process of young people generally follows two different paths: while some young people become candidates through their own will and effort, in conservative parties in particular, some are nominated by others. Among those nominated by others, the principle of “responsibility is not asked for, it is given” comes to the fore. Behind the candidacy or nomination of young people, there is often a concern for being part of a “showcase.” To be included in this showcase, young people are exposed to a competitive environment rather than supporting each other, and it is generally observed that “non-problematic” young people gain an advantage in this process. The issue of polarization in Turkish politics leads young people to react harshly to their peers with differing views, thereby weakening the motivation for solidarity among youth.

The problems faced by young people during the candidacy or nomination process have been examined under three main headings: structural, institutional, and cultural barriers.

Among the structural barriers, it has been determined that the greatest burden is the requirement of economic and social capital in the process. In addition to the economic burden, young people are expected to have flexible working hours and more free time. It is also expected that they possess a social network through which they can know the necessary people in the political arena. For young people who do not have this network, newly established parties have been seen as alternatives. In this context, it has been observed that young people who are candidates in metropolitan cities face more challenges in terms of both economic and social capital compared to their peers who are candidates in smaller cities.

From the perspective of institutional barriers, the lack of organization in political parties stands out. Young people have difficulty finding an internal channel within the party where they can receive sufficient information and express their concerns. Additionally, due to insufficient organization, the first contact between parties and young people often turns into a negative experience, which breaks young people’s hopes about politics. The lack of transparency in the entrance and promotion processes within political parties lays the ground for factionalism and poses a risk in terms of diversity in representation. Although quotas aimed at increasing youth representation in political parties continue to exist as a traditional method, young candidates express various criticisms regarding the functioning of this practice.

Age hierarchy still exists in politics, and this situation constantly forces young people to prove themselves. The culturally widespread idea that “young people should wait their turn” makes this process of proving oneself even more difficult. Young people believe that they can adapt to the world better and that the speed and comprehension abilities that come with their age give them an advantage. However, due to age hierarchy, these advantages are often perceived as free labor in the field, and young people are expected to offer this labor to the fullest.

One of the prominent solution proposals to the problems faced by young people is to reduce the influence of upper levels on youth branches. Suggestions include youth branches having their own presidents, mayors not having special quotas in selecting council members, and preventing external interventions in the functioning of youth branches.

These headings are discussed in detail in the report and supported by participants’ comments. Although there is an observed positive public attitude toward increasing youth representation in the field, this support largely remains rhetorical. It is concluded that the public sees young people as “victims” and therefore thinks they should be represented more. This perspective can be summarized as feeling pity for the problems young people face, but not taking action. Removing the obstacles to youth representation depends on the capacity to turn this support into votes and action.

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